US Climate Change Science Program
Updated 11 October, 2003

Records of the U.S.
Climate Change
Science Program's Planning Workshop for Scientists and Stakeholders
3-5 December 2002, Washington, DC

 

Comments on Chapter 4. Decision Support Resources.  [also available PDF Version] of the Strategic Plan for the Climate Change Science Program (Review Draft, November 2002).

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Breakout Session 11
Scenario Development to Support National Scope Decisions
Panelist Comments from Billy Pizer, Resources for the Future

Comments dtd December 12, 2002

I would first like to thank the organizers for inviting me to participate in this panel as well as commend the authors and contributors to this chapter of the Strategic Plan [Chapter 4. Decision Support Resources] for a very thorough and well-written draft. I will also note that my perspective in these comments reflects not only my five years of grad-school brainwashing in neo-classical economics, but also the recent year I spent advising senior policymakers on this and similar issues at the President's Council of Economic Advisers. There, I gained a particular appreciation for how science, scientists, and policymakers interact.

Frequently, especially during my first few months at the Council of Economic Advisers, I received emails of the form "If we reduce emissions 10% in 2010, the cost will be ____. Please fill in the blank." Initially, I responded as best I could but eventually I became frustrated at my inability to convey the complexity of the answer in a simple response. Eventually, I pushed back: Why are you asking this question? What do you really care about? I think you are asking the wrong questions.

This is my over-arching point in these comments: Scientists need to not only respond to policymaker questions, they need to push back and tell them when they are asking the wrong questions.

The interaction between scientists and decisionmakers so far has led to a number of invaluable improvements in our thinking about the climate change problem. One is a view of the problem that focuses on risk management. This is not about affecting relatively well-known outcomes associated with current activity -- this is about influencing the risk of adverse and poorly understood consequences. A second is a recognition of the role of irreversibilities -- both in the environment and in our investments in human and physical capital -- and how that affects the timing of decisions, especially as new information becomes available. A third is an understanding that significant uncertainty exists about mitigation costs as well as climate change consequences, and this has important relevance for the design of policies.

Despite these advancements, I would emphasize that these points have not been well disseminated to all the people who need to understand them. An important continuing role for the interactions between scientists and policymakers, as this chapters describes, should be improved communication of these points. While there is a tendency to want to move on to new and interesting things, nailing down the basics should remain a priority.

Looking forward, my main concern is that decision support efforts highlight for policymakers not only what is known and not known well, but what is likely to be known in a timely matter. I think Professor Jacoby's analogy in yesterday's New York Times article nails the point home: when you find out you have high cholesterol, your immediate response should not be to try and get better information about the timing and intensity of the upcoming heart attack -- it should be to reduce the risk. This is especially true if the information is likely to arrive after the heart attack occurs. Nonetheless, a frequent line of questioning on climate change has been to focus on ascertaining a safe concentration level for 2100 rather than contemplating real policy options to reduce risk in 2002.

Turning to some specific points in the chapter itself, the discussion initially moves back and forth between issues of decision support for "decisionmakers" -- i.e. those people setting national policy and negotiating international agreements -- and "resource managers" -- i.e., those people engaged in regional and sectoral policy, planning and operating decisionmaking. This distinction between decisionmakers and resource managers might loosely be recast as a distinction between mitigation -- efforts to reduce the likelihood or magnitude of climate change -- and adaptation -- efforts to minimize the impact of, or maximize the resilience to, climate change when it occurs.

My first comment would be that despite the inevitably of adaptation (it is the default policy after all), I think the emphasis on adaptation/regional decision-making is less important than the document presents at this time [e.g., page 39, line 5]. While we need to understand the scope and cost of adaptation in order to make an appropriate aggregate trade-off between mitigation and adaptation, adaptation decisions remain relatively far in the future while the mitigation decisions are much more pressing.

I would make a related comment about the importance of other greenhouse gases and emissions from land-use [e.g., page 40, line 7]. We need to understand the scope and cost of emission reductions in these areas in order to make an appropriate trade-off with energy-related carbon dioxide reductions. And we should certainly pursue those reductions in a timely matter. However, the magnitude of the potential reductions as well as the time profile of consequences suggest that an emphasis on energy-related mitigation decisions -- versus non-energy-related mitigation decisions -- remains paramount.

So let's talk about the main decision: energy-related carbon dioxide mitigation. The draft document states that it will be difficult to generate a true representation of the salient decisions concerning mitigation given the diversity of issues identified over the past several years [page 41, line 17]. The document highlights issues such as the costs and impacts of concentration paths over time, and costs and benefits of various stabilized atmospheric concentrations [line 19]. It then goes on to describe an increased role for stakeholder interaction and management of this interaction [line 27].

My belief is that taking the immediate concerns of policymakers as a given -- or even as a primary research driver -- ignores the crucial feedback that scientists have on policymaker thinking. I have one particular concern in mind: the focus both at home and abroad on "safe" atmospheric concentrations of carbon dioxide. In my opinion, the climate-related decision research has focused too much on pathways to various concentration targets, leading policymakers to focus on questions of long-run stabilization -- emission pathways, technologies, international burden-sharing, etc. -- that we may never be able to agree upon.

This is the main point I made a second ago. The 1992 Rio Convention commits its signatories to stabilize atmospheric greenhouse gases at a safe level. We imagine first that such a threshold exists, and second that science can reveal it in a timely way. We are trying to manage the exact time and severity of our heart attack rather than starting to reduce the risk.

To this end, I believe that one of the most valuable contributions of a decision support program could be to elaborate on the kinds of uncertainties that are likely to remain for some time and the consequences for decision makers. Interaction with policymakers remains critical, but scientists and research agenda managers should actively challenge whether the policymakers are asking the right questions based on what may or may not be answerable. If a policymaker is asking for a cost-benefit analysis of different long-run concentration levels, someone needs to explain that the range of uncertainty on such an analysis is so large, and unlikely to diminish, that it is of questionable value. **Instead, the policymaker might be encouraged to ask whether, absent a concentration target, science can inform an alternative kind of goal to get things started. I will note that this is one of the key problems we faced when I was at CEA: absent a roadmap of the ultimate goal, how do we calibrate the first step?

Along these same lines, I would ask whether the scenario development [page 45, line 14] might be supplemented by an analysis of how gradual, incremental, policy could be reformed over time as the true scenario unfolds. Not only based on increased knowledge about climate change, but based on increased knowledge about the policy's own efficacy in reducing emissions as time passes. Does a first round of technology incentives work? How will we know if they have worked? If they do not work, how should the policy be reformed and when?

Basic scenario development is useful for conveying a story. How many nuclear power plants do I need if no conservation occurs and no other non-fossil alternatives are viable? But there are so many combinations of possible assumptions, one can quickly become overwhelmed by the different "If..., then..." possibilities. I would encourage a scenario effort that attempts to highlight the importance of a flexible, diversified, and adjustable policy response, but not one that purports to fine-tune a particular decision.

I am very supportive of research to improve simulation of climate change consequences in response to alternative emission scenarios and natural forcings through applied climate modeling [pages 47-52]. Despite the difficulty in using such models to establish "safe" concentration levels in a timely matter, over time, they should provide feedback to the policy process.

A final area that I might add to the discussion is some attention to the evolutionary nature of policymaking. One need only look as far as the Clean Air Act over the past thirty years to see that an initial policy approach will almost certainly be modified. Are there certain policy designs that lend themselves to modification and others that do not? In particular, will a policy that initially addresses a subset of emission sources in a differential manner -- say power plants and passenger vehicles through cap-and-trade and CAFÉ -- create institutional obstacles to future improvements? Are there some institutions, such as a project-based crediting system for the capture of fugitive greenhouse gas emissions, that will be useful regardless of the future policy design?

Summarizing, my main concern is that decision support not be viewed as a way to simply make science more responsive to policymaker questions. I believe this ignores the fact that the scientific discourse over climate change is what has led to policymaker questions in the first place, and that a failure to grasp the limitations of scientific analysis can lead to a dead-end in policy development. The science program should continue to work on communicating the basics of risk management and decisions in the face of uncertainty and learning, but should also keep policymakers focused by showing them (1) why some decisions are less important than others, now, (2) which decisions must be made before uncertainty is resolved, and (3) what lines of questioning are unlikely to help resolve policy debate.


 

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